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Mohammadreza Mohammadi, Abbas Ahmadvand, Abdullah Farrahi,
Volume 1, Issue 49 (3-2023)
Abstract
Christianity emerged six centuries before Islam by Christ in Palestine, and Christians gradually dispersed in the Arabian Peninsula. Considering the monotheistic background of Christianity, the inevitable contact of Muslims with Christians and the emergence of Islam as the last Abrahamic religion in Ḥijāz, it was unavoidable to confront and discuss Christianity and its followers in the Quran. During his prophet hood, Muhammad dealt with Christians based on the teachings of the Qur'an and the concept arising from the verses related to Christianity and Christians, and in the type of communication with Christians, depending on the time and place, measures from dialogue to confrontation such as migration to Abyssinia, Individual and group discussions with Christians, communication with Christian rulers through letter writing, peace treaty with Christian tribes or military treatment with them. These measures are in the framework of the concept presented in the Quran. In this article, an attempt has been made to achieve the Prophet's reading of Christianity and Christians and the formed concept of the prophetic life about Christianity and Christians by using the method of historical context and Conceptual History taking into mentioned reports about interactions, conversations, and encounters.
Volume 1, Issue 50 (7-2023)
Abstract
Mohammad Keshavarz Beyzaei,
Volume 1, Issue 50 (7-2023)
Abstract
Empowering and falling of Umayyads attract attention of many researchers and historians. Military victory of Abbasids over Umayyads in battle of Zab (132) while they had less soldiers and military equipment as well as their techniques of confrontations need a comprehensive study. This article with its descriptive-analytic method and using the theories of war sociology focuses on the factors behind military defeat of Umayyads versus Abbasids in battle of Zab. The findings of this study show that a mixture of the factors and elements such as motivations and sustainability, resourcefulness, arrangement and correct war strategy, consultations and accompaniments of Khorasanid, the vengeance slogan of the Ahl al-Bayt as a winning lever in creating Marwan's legitimacy and escape from the battle scene, all had undeniable roles in the victory of Abbasids in the Battle of Zab.
Farshid Lari Monfared,
Volume 1, Issue 50 (7-2023)
Abstract
Traditionalism (Akhbāriyyūn) is one of the most significant jurisprudential schools within Shi‘ite. This sect's method for deriving religious rulings is based on adherence to narratives and ḥadīths. This jurisprudential school was introduced and revitalized in the early 11th century AH by Muḥammad ʾAmīn ʾAstarābādī (d. 1036) through the writing of the book Fawāʾid al Madaniyyah in a novel format, and it quickly spread throughout the Islamic lands. Bahrain, due to its historical background in ḥadīth scholarship and cultural and religious similarities with Safavid Iran, was rapidly influenced by this intellectual movement. Historical sources explicitly state that Bahrain became the main center of the Traditionalism (Akhbāriyyūn). This study aims to examine and elucidate the reasons for the growth and expansion of this jurisprudential school in Bahrain through a descriptive-analytical approach based on library resources. The primary research question is: What factors contributed to the growth and expansion of Traditionalism (Akhbāriyyūn) in Bahrain during the 11 and 12th Hijri centuries? The findings indicate that factors such as the influence of the Traditionalism (Akhbāriyyūn) school during Safavid period, the presence of ḥadīth scholarship traditions in Bahrain, and weakening of the position of Uṣūlī scholars in that region contributed to growth and expansion of Traditionalism (Akhbāriyyūn) in Bahrain.
Abbas Mirzaiee Nokabadi,
Volume 1, Issue 50 (7-2023)
Abstract
Ḥanafiyya is recognized as its inaugural religious leader. Common perceptions of sectarianism, along with historical accounts, shed light on the relationship between these two figures, which seems to be based on a kind of cooperation. However, historical studies narrate another issue and their association fails to capture its completeness. This article delved into this issue, addressing the nature of the relationship between Muhammad Ibn Ḥanafiyya and Mukhtār Thaqafi. It seems that the approach of Muhammad Ibn Ḥanafiyya was initially a brief association with Mukhtār, but later, significant confrontations between Ibn Ḥanafiyya and Mukhtār took place. Documentary and historical evidence revealed that following the establishment of Mukhtār's governance, Muhammad Ibn Ḥanafiyya adopted a critical stance towards him, withdrawing his support and openly expressing disapproval even after Mukhtār's death.
Sara Shohani, Mohammad Sheikhahmadi, Kaivan Shafei, Ruhollah Bahrami,
Volume 1, Issue 50 (7-2023)
Abstract
Diseases and fatalities caused by them are facts of human societies. Iran did not have a suitable hygienic and health condition in Qajar era. Kurdistan province was exposed to spread of many contagious diseases due to being on the way of trade with neighboring areas and unsuitable health condition. This study tries to find the answer to this basic question that what were the most crucial effective factors on the prevalence of contagious diseases and the impact of those diseases on Kurdistan province by a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on archival documents, newspapers, and historical texts. Findings reveal that inattention of rulers, climatic conditions, inappropriate roads, unhygienic baths, and superstitions were the main factors of the spread of contagious diseases. However, the diseases were occasionally controlled by sanitizing the environment, tending towards modern medicine, establishing a hospital, providing food, establishing the health council, eradicating smallpox, and establishing quarantine. Sometimes the spread of diseases led to increased mortality, population decline, and market stagnation, and these are the direct impacts of diseases on social life of people in Kurdistan province in Qajar era.
Abbas Boroumand A'lam, Saber Zarei,
Volume 1, Issue 50 (7-2023)
Abstract
Forgery and distortion is a great plague that got involved many historical narratives. Ashurai narratives have not only been spared from this damage, but also by moving away from the time of occurrence, they have gained an upward trend. The Maqtal of Biḥār al-ʾAnwār by Allameh Majlesi is one of the most important books about the life of Imam Ḥusayn (AS). The important question is whether this book has been distorted according to the time of writing? In other words, are the narratives of Biḥār al-ʾAnwār's Maqtal supported by historical Maqtals? By comparing the content of the Maqtal of Biḥār al-ʾAnwār with two earlier and authentic Maqtals and extracting the differences, this research have evaluated the accuracy and validity of its narrations in order to help to embellish the reports of the Karbala event as an identity-giving movement. The findings of the research show that none of the 65 doubtful narrations of Biḥār al-ʾAnwār are supported by the Maqtal of Abu Mikhnaf; Irshad Shaykh al-Mufid also supports only 4 doubtful narrations of Bihar, and the rest of the narrations of Bihar are either not present in this Maqtal or are mentioned with a different statement.
ʽabdullāh Farrahī ,
Volume 1, Issue 51 (10-2023)
Abstract
“Muḥammad” is the name of God’s Messenger and Seal of the Prophets. It is said that this name was unique until then; that it means, this name was not given to any person before him. But the annunciation of his coming to the divine religions has caused the owners of these religions to recognize this blessed child not only by his attributes, but even by his name. The surviving narratives in this regard, based on historical and biographical sources, indicate the interest of a number of Arabs who are familiar with the discussion of the message of the Prophet’s mission (Besat) to use this name for their children in the era before the mission, and the number of Arabs with the name “Muḥammad” before the mission are mentioned as 3, 4, 6 or 7 people. The oldest sources in this regard are related to the third century AH; therefore, these sources cannot be trusted much. The remaining tablet attributed to the ship of Prophet Noah (a.s.), the tablet attributed to Prophet Solomon (a.s.), the written references left in the Bible, as well as the inscription discovered in Yemen by Orientalists are among the documents that have mentioned his name with interpretations such as MeʼadMeʼad, Ḥamdah, Aḥmad and Muḥammad before Prophet’s birth. Examining these documents shows that the tablet attributed to Noah’s Ark and the tablet attributed to Solomon (a.s.) are fake and they were presented for the first time in the book of ʿAlī va Piyāmbarān [ʿAlī and the Prophets] written by Sialkotī. However, the references of the Bible can be interpreted as the name of Muḥammad (PBUH) with the interpretation of people like ʽAbd al-Aḥad Dawūd, and at the same time, the Yemeni inscription known as “Šaraḥ-ʾIl Yaqbul Ḏūyazʾan” describing the siege of Nagrān (Najrān) is a solid but little-known document. In general, it was found that among the interpretations that are mentioned in the existing documents and texts to the Prophet Muḥammad (PBUH) before his birth, MeʼadMeʼad is unacceptable, and Ḥamdah, Aḥmad and especially Muḥammad (MḤMD) are acceptable.
Mohammad Hasanbeigi, Farhad Saboorifar, Nasrin Gholami,
Volume 1, Issue 51 (10-2023)
Abstract
The Umayyad and Abbasid came to power and ruled at different times and under different conditions. Despite this, their political systems have many similarities. This article seeks to answer the question of why, despite these differences, the Umayyad and Abbasid have many similarities in terms of authority and political performance? This is important as it shows how the source of authority of two seemingly different caliphates can influence their political process and performance. The research method used is comparative using the theoretical framework of systemic analysis and threefold authority. The findings of the research show that the origin of the authority of the Umayyad and Abbasid governments was mainly due to the four common factors of traditional authority, which are: the traditional authority of Quraysh aristocracy and tribal supremacy, the use of personality cult, the divine nature of the government, and the emphasis on the status of the Caliph of God (Khalifat Allah).
Mohamadraza Alam, Arsen Avagyan, Abbas Eghbalmehran,
Volume 1, Issue 51 (10-2023)
Abstract
The constitutional (Mashrūtiyyat) revolution was an expression of the disillusionment of the intellectual current about the nature and political and social functions of the authoritarian government and the lack of community participation in the decisions. In that situation, Iranian Armenians were among the intellectuals who presented their views. The main factor of Armenians' desire to make demands was their sense of patriotism and their attachment to the land and water in which they were born and growed. In this research, with an analytical view based on the documents available in the Armenian archives in Iran and Armenia, the influencing factors on the coexistence and role of Armenians in Iran's constitutional revolution have been examined. The findings of the research show that the Armenians of Iran on the threshold of the constitutional revolution were intellectual and influential classes due to their economic functions and the acquisition of political and social positions. They were looking for codified law and equality of rights so that through it they could live in an equal environment. With its legal approaches, the constitution increased people's tolerance towards other religions and caused the presence and participation of Armenians in the prosperity and development of the country.
Mohammad Hossein Zoofaghari, Asghar Montazar Al Ghaem,
Volume 1, Issue 51 (10-2023)
Abstract
The scientific efforts of Imam Sajjad (a.s.) have received relatively little attention. This study seeks to identify the strategic goals of Imam Sajjad (a.s.) through his scientific legacy and to clarify its key points. This paper aims to address this question through a descriptive and analytical approach, utilizing primary sources such as Ḥadīth, history, Rijāl, Fiqh, Tafsir, and others from up to the end of the 4th century Hijri: What objectives did Imam Sajjad (a.s.), peace be upon him, pursue in his scientific interactions despite the specific limitations of his time? The research findings revealed that, despite the challenges, Imam Sajjad (a.s.) pursued distinct objectives aimed at guiding, clarifying religion, and safeguarding it within the scientific framework of his society at the time. The strategic objectives of Imam Sajjad (a.s.) can be analyzed in five key areas: reviving the prophetic way and tradition, highlighting the virtues of Ahl al-Bayt (a.s.), especially Amir al-Mu’minin (a.s.) while combating extremism, distinguishing between right and wrong with an emphasis on piety (taqwā), focus on asceticism and thinking about the Hereafter while opposing materialism, and finally, clarifying and elucidating core religious concepts.
Fariba Pat, Fatemeh Mehri Parizad,
Volume 1, Issue 51 (10-2023)
Abstract
Celebrations as rituals during the peak of the Gūrkāniyān in India from the time of Akbar to the period of Aurangzeb were of great significance. The ceremonies accompanied by music and joy added a lot of excitement to the celebrations, to the extent that the fame of these magnificent celebrations crossed the borders of the Empire and attracted foreign observers to Agra. The efforts the kings of Gūrkāni to hold these elaborate and costly celebrations, the multiplicity and diversity of the celebrations, and the emphasis on non-religious celebrations and specific local celebrations raise the question of what the functions of these celebrations, both religious and non-religious were and what did motivate the kings of Gūrkāni to organize these celebrations? This research aims to examine and analyze this topic, considering the function of rituals in cultural anthropology and using a descriptive-analytical method based on library resources and artifacts available in museums. The findings indicate that the celebrations of this period, as rituals, played an important role in identity formation and social cohesion around the ruling power, were perceived as symbols of power, glory, and wealth, and contributed to the legitimacy of the kings of Gūrkāni.
Zahra Jafari, Sasan Tahmasbi,
Volume 1, Issue 51 (10-2023)
Abstract
The order (ṭarīqa) of Nurbakhshia emerged in the Timurid era and was one of the most important Ṣūfi order in Iran on the eve of the establishing the Safavid government. Therefore, the relationship between the Safavid government and this order was one of the important matters in the first decades of the Safavid period. Having used historical-analytical method, the paper is going to answer the question, how was the interaction and confrontation between the Safavid government and the Nurbakhshia order? The findings of this research show that the Shīʿism of Nurbakhshia and their being Siyāda the way for the convergence of Nurbakhshia and Safavid. But Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhsh's claim of Mahdism, the wearing of Nurbakhshia in black and their economic and social position caused confrontation between them. This confrontation led to the murder of Shah Qavam al-Din and the isolation of his children. Since the period of Shah Abbas I, under the influence of the anti-Ṣūfi milieu that continued until the collapse of the Safavid, Nurbakhshia as other Sufi orders were isolated and gradually disappeared from the scene of history.
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
Maryam Khosroabadi, Milad Ajami,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
The apparent content of the Qāṣiʿa sermon emphasizes the avoidance of division and addresses topics such as the greatness of the Lord, the condemnation of arrogance and pre-Islamic ethics, and the complete models of faith; however, based on the theory of critical discourse analysis by Foucault, this sermon exemplifies a new discursive order within the structure of power. The research question is how this new discursive order is derived from a sermon characterized by sharp and critical language. An examination of the "descriptive", "interpretive", and "explanatory" features of this sermon shows that Imam ʿAlī (AS) recreated the power relations and the position of political actors who challenged the "discursive order" of his caliphate with theological discussions (such as the bloody shirt of ʿUthmān, arbitration (Hakamiyat) and the slogan "there is no command but God’s (lā ḥokm illā li-llāh)" or the claim of forced allegiance (Bayʿah) to him) based on a "new discourse" in order to withstand any rebellion. The assassination of ʿUmar and ʿUthmān and the subsequent wars during Imam ʿAlī's (AS) caliphate indicate the weakening of the caliphate's position against other political participants. Therefore, the added value of using this approach in a deeper and multidimensional analysis of the Qāṣiʿa sermon is understood, which, from the perspective of power relations and social discourse, can enhance our understanding of the events of that time.
Elahe Panjehpashi, Anita Sanei,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
Coffeehouse (Ghahvekhane) painting is a type of innovative and folk art that has emerged from the community and narrates national and religious epics. A significant portion of coffeehouse paintings is dedicated to the events of Karbala and the heroism of Imam Ḥusayn (as) and his companions. Despite the presence of women alongside men in this epic, their role in coffeehouse painting has not received much attention. The main research question is how the structural characteristic of women are depicted in coffeehouse paintings? To study the structure of women in the paintings of ʿĀshūrā, six works have been selected. After collecting library data, these data were analyzed using historical methods. The findings of the research indicate that the criteria for representing images of women in coffeehouse painting are rooted in Iranian-Islamic tradition and identity. The depiction of women in this style is presented in two forms: one is the image of a woman in a main role, positioned in the foreground of the images and occupying the main subject, and the other is the image of a woman in a secondary role, appearing in the background of the works and holding less significance.
Somaye Bayati, Zeinab Karimi,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
The Jazīra was a region between the Tigris (Dijlah) and Euphrates (Furāt) rivers. During the Buyid dynasty's (322-448) control over Baghdad in 334, this region was under the authority of the Ḥamdānids (293-394). After gaining control of Baghdad, Mu'izz al-Dawla engaged in numerous battles with Nasir al-Dawla Ḥamdāni and ultimately accepted the Ḥamdānids as governors (Wāliyān) of the Jazīra. The relationship between ʿIzz al-Dawla and the Ḥamdānids was friendly, but it was not free from conflict. This paper, using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on primary historical and geographical texts, seeks to answer the question: How did the geography of the Jazīra influence the formation of the Buyid dynasty's dual policy toward the Ḥamdānids from 334 to 367? The findings indicate that the economic geography of the Jazīra led to a hostile policy between the Buyids and the Ḥamdānids. The Jazīra not only supplied food, provisions, and fodder to Baghdad but also sent high taxes to Baghdad, while the Ḥamdānids ruling the Jazīra sought independence from Baghdad. From a geopolitical perspective, the Jazīra served as a stronghold against the Roman Empire, the rulers of Sham (Syria), the Ikhshīdīyūns, and the Fāṭimids attempting to enter Baghdad, which facilitated a friendly policy between the Buyids and the Ḥamdānids.
Mohammad Reza Abui Mehrizi,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
Nizam al-Din ‘Abd al-Baqi Yazdi (deceased in 920) was a prominent figure during the formation of the Ṣafavid state, having held the positions of prime minister (Ṣedārat) and deputy (vekalat Nafs Nafīs Homāyūn) of the royal court under Shah Ismāʿīl. He was ultimately killed in the procession of the aforementioned king at the Battle of Chaldiran by the forces of Sultan Selim of the Ottoman. This research aims to elucidate the historical reasons and contexts that led to his proximity to Shah Ismāʿīl and his elevation within the religious and political structures of the prime ministry (Ṣedārat) and deputy (vekalat), relying on primary sources from this period, including some newly discovered documents, through a descriptive-analytical approach. The studies and findings of this research indicate that ‘Abd al-Baqi's religious and mystical personality within the Ni'matullāhī Order, along with his collaboration and interaction with Shah Ismāʿīl from the early years of his conquests against political and religious opponents, were significant factors in ‘Abd al-Baqi's influential role in the structures and transformations of that era.
Seyyed Mohammadrahim Rabanizadeh,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
After the caliphate of Imam Ali (AS), Muʿāwiya, by utilizing political tools and exploiting existing disagreements, sought to incite the people of Sham (Syria) against Imam Ali (AS) under the pretext of the murder of ʿUthmān. Shuraḥbīl ibn Simṭ al-Kindi, the governor of Ḥimṣ, played a significant role in instigating the people. The main research question is: What are the factors that influenced Shuraḥbīl to join the ranks of Imam Ali's (AS) opponents, and what was his role in the events in Sham (Syria)? This research, using primary historical sources and a descriptive-analytical method, shows that Muʿāwiya convinced Shuraḥbīl to join the opposition against Imam Ali (AS) by exploiting personal conflicts between Shuraḥbīl and Jarir ibn Abdullah Bajali, the ambassador of Imam Ali (AS) in Sham, as well as through false testimony implicating Imam Ali (AS) in ʿUthmān's murder. Shuraḥbīl played a decisive role in the revolt of the people of Sham (Syria) against Imam Ali (AS) by promoting the belief that Imam Ali (AS) was the main culprit behind ʿUthmān's murder. The findings of the article also indicate that political and propaganda tools significantly influence the shaping of historical events.
Seyyed Alireza Vasei,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
Justice/social equality, due to its broad concept and multiple dimensions and aspects, has been discussed and examined in disciplines such as ethics, culture, politics, and economics. In Islamic thought and culture, justice holds a significant position beyond morality, to the extent that the stability of the universe is attributed to it, and it is considered the foundation of all good deeds of humanity, especially in the realm of governance. The Quran states in verse 8 of Surah Māʾidah that one should practice justice, as it is closer to piety; it also mentions that anger and enmity should not lead to the neglect of justice. In political thought, especially in the realm of governance, there has been extensive discourse on this topic. Imam Ali (as), who held the position of caliph for a time, expressed his concerns regarding justice through his political, religious, and active social roles, considering it a source of stability and strength for the people and a foundation for the political system. This article employs a historical-philosophical approach, positively and valuably, to address the fundamental question of what the philosophy of social equality in the ʿAlavī tradition was and how Imam Ali (as) engaged with it in governance. The central hypothesis of the research is that Imam (as) entered this domain with a civilizational approach based on anthropology, ontology, and religious studies, taking steps to reform society with concern. Although numerous works have emerged regarding the actions and deeds of Imam (as), there is a noticeable gap in the current approach that requires further research and explanation.
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