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Fariba Pat, Fatemeh Mehri Parizad,
Volume 1, Issue 51 (10-2023)
Abstract
Celebrations as rituals during the peak of the Gūrkāniyān in India from the time of Akbar to the period of Aurangzeb were of great significance. The ceremonies accompanied by music and joy added a lot of excitement to the celebrations, to the extent that the fame of these magnificent celebrations crossed the borders of the Empire and attracted foreign observers to Agra. The efforts the kings of Gūrkāni to hold these elaborate and costly celebrations, the multiplicity and diversity of the celebrations, and the emphasis on non-religious celebrations and specific local celebrations raise the question of what the functions of these celebrations, both religious and non-religious were and what did motivate the kings of Gūrkāni to organize these celebrations? This research aims to examine and analyze this topic, considering the function of rituals in cultural anthropology and using a descriptive-analytical method based on library resources and artifacts available in museums. The findings indicate that the celebrations of this period, as rituals, played an important role in identity formation and social cohesion around the ruling power, were perceived as symbols of power, glory, and wealth, and contributed to the legitimacy of the kings of Gūrkāni.
Zahra Jafari, Sasan Tahmasbi,
Volume 1, Issue 51 (10-2023)
Abstract
The order (ṭarīqa) of Nurbakhshia emerged in the Timurid era and was one of the most important Ṣūfi order in Iran on the eve of the establishing the Safavid government. Therefore, the relationship between the Safavid government and this order was one of the important matters in the first decades of the Safavid period. Having used historical-analytical method, the paper is going to answer the question, how was the interaction and confrontation between the Safavid government and the Nurbakhshia order? The findings of this research show that the Shīʿism of Nurbakhshia and their being Siyāda the way for the convergence of Nurbakhshia and Safavid. But Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhsh's claim of Mahdism, the wearing of Nurbakhshia in black and their economic and social position caused confrontation between them. This confrontation led to the murder of Shah Qavam al-Din and the isolation of his children. Since the period of Shah Abbas I, under the influence of the anti-Ṣūfi milieu that continued until the collapse of the Safavid, Nurbakhshia as other Sufi orders were isolated and gradually disappeared from the scene of history.
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
Maryam Khosroabadi, Milad Ajami,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
The apparent content of the Qāṣiʿa sermon emphasizes the avoidance of division and addresses topics such as the greatness of the Lord, the condemnation of arrogance and pre-Islamic ethics, and the complete models of faith; however, based on the theory of critical discourse analysis by Foucault, this sermon exemplifies a new discursive order within the structure of power. The research question is how this new discursive order is derived from a sermon characterized by sharp and critical language. An examination of the "descriptive", "interpretive", and "explanatory" features of this sermon shows that Imam ʿAlī (AS) recreated the power relations and the position of political actors who challenged the "discursive order" of his caliphate with theological discussions (such as the bloody shirt of ʿUthmān, arbitration (Hakamiyat) and the slogan "there is no command but God’s (lā ḥokm illā li-llāh)" or the claim of forced allegiance (Bayʿah) to him) based on a "new discourse" in order to withstand any rebellion. The assassination of ʿUmar and ʿUthmān and the subsequent wars during Imam ʿAlī's (AS) caliphate indicate the weakening of the caliphate's position against other political participants. Therefore, the added value of using this approach in a deeper and multidimensional analysis of the Qāṣiʿa sermon is understood, which, from the perspective of power relations and social discourse, can enhance our understanding of the events of that time.
Elahe Panjehpashi, Anita Sanei,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
Coffeehouse (Ghahvekhane) painting is a type of innovative and folk art that has emerged from the community and narrates national and religious epics. A significant portion of coffeehouse paintings is dedicated to the events of Karbala and the heroism of Imam Ḥusayn (as) and his companions. Despite the presence of women alongside men in this epic, their role in coffeehouse painting has not received much attention. The main research question is how the structural characteristic of women are depicted in coffeehouse paintings? To study the structure of women in the paintings of ʿĀshūrā, six works have been selected. After collecting library data, these data were analyzed using historical methods. The findings of the research indicate that the criteria for representing images of women in coffeehouse painting are rooted in Iranian-Islamic tradition and identity. The depiction of women in this style is presented in two forms: one is the image of a woman in a main role, positioned in the foreground of the images and occupying the main subject, and the other is the image of a woman in a secondary role, appearing in the background of the works and holding less significance.
Somaye Bayati, Zeinab Karimi,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
The Jazīra was a region between the Tigris (Dijlah) and Euphrates (Furāt) rivers. During the Buyid dynasty's (322-448) control over Baghdad in 334, this region was under the authority of the Ḥamdānids (293-394). After gaining control of Baghdad, Mu'izz al-Dawla engaged in numerous battles with Nasir al-Dawla Ḥamdāni and ultimately accepted the Ḥamdānids as governors (Wāliyān) of the Jazīra. The relationship between ʿIzz al-Dawla and the Ḥamdānids was friendly, but it was not free from conflict. This paper, using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on primary historical and geographical texts, seeks to answer the question: How did the geography of the Jazīra influence the formation of the Buyid dynasty's dual policy toward the Ḥamdānids from 334 to 367? The findings indicate that the economic geography of the Jazīra led to a hostile policy between the Buyids and the Ḥamdānids. The Jazīra not only supplied food, provisions, and fodder to Baghdad but also sent high taxes to Baghdad, while the Ḥamdānids ruling the Jazīra sought independence from Baghdad. From a geopolitical perspective, the Jazīra served as a stronghold against the Roman Empire, the rulers of Sham (Syria), the Ikhshīdīyūns, and the Fāṭimids attempting to enter Baghdad, which facilitated a friendly policy between the Buyids and the Ḥamdānids.
Mohammad Reza Abui Mehrizi,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
Nizam al-Din ‘Abd al-Baqi Yazdi (deceased in 920) was a prominent figure during the formation of the Ṣafavid state, having held the positions of prime minister (Ṣedārat) and deputy (vekalat Nafs Nafīs Homāyūn) of the royal court under Shah Ismāʿīl. He was ultimately killed in the procession of the aforementioned king at the Battle of Chaldiran by the forces of Sultan Selim of the Ottoman. This research aims to elucidate the historical reasons and contexts that led to his proximity to Shah Ismāʿīl and his elevation within the religious and political structures of the prime ministry (Ṣedārat) and deputy (vekalat), relying on primary sources from this period, including some newly discovered documents, through a descriptive-analytical approach. The studies and findings of this research indicate that ‘Abd al-Baqi's religious and mystical personality within the Ni'matullāhī Order, along with his collaboration and interaction with Shah Ismāʿīl from the early years of his conquests against political and religious opponents, were significant factors in ‘Abd al-Baqi's influential role in the structures and transformations of that era.
Seyyed Mohammadrahim Rabanizadeh,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
After the caliphate of Imam Ali (AS), Muʿāwiya, by utilizing political tools and exploiting existing disagreements, sought to incite the people of Sham (Syria) against Imam Ali (AS) under the pretext of the murder of ʿUthmān. Shuraḥbīl ibn Simṭ al-Kindi, the governor of Ḥimṣ, played a significant role in instigating the people. The main research question is: What are the factors that influenced Shuraḥbīl to join the ranks of Imam Ali's (AS) opponents, and what was his role in the events in Sham (Syria)? This research, using primary historical sources and a descriptive-analytical method, shows that Muʿāwiya convinced Shuraḥbīl to join the opposition against Imam Ali (AS) by exploiting personal conflicts between Shuraḥbīl and Jarir ibn Abdullah Bajali, the ambassador of Imam Ali (AS) in Sham, as well as through false testimony implicating Imam Ali (AS) in ʿUthmān's murder. Shuraḥbīl played a decisive role in the revolt of the people of Sham (Syria) against Imam Ali (AS) by promoting the belief that Imam Ali (AS) was the main culprit behind ʿUthmān's murder. The findings of the article also indicate that political and propaganda tools significantly influence the shaping of historical events.
Seyyed Alireza Vasei,
Volume 1, Issue 52 (12-2023)
Abstract
Justice/social equality, due to its broad concept and multiple dimensions and aspects, has been discussed and examined in disciplines such as ethics, culture, politics, and economics. In Islamic thought and culture, justice holds a significant position beyond morality, to the extent that the stability of the universe is attributed to it, and it is considered the foundation of all good deeds of humanity, especially in the realm of governance. The Quran states in verse 8 of Surah Māʾidah that one should practice justice, as it is closer to piety; it also mentions that anger and enmity should not lead to the neglect of justice. In political thought, especially in the realm of governance, there has been extensive discourse on this topic. Imam Ali (as), who held the position of caliph for a time, expressed his concerns regarding justice through his political, religious, and active social roles, considering it a source of stability and strength for the people and a foundation for the political system. This article employs a historical-philosophical approach, positively and valuably, to address the fundamental question of what the philosophy of social equality in the ʿAlavī tradition was and how Imam Ali (as) engaged with it in governance. The central hypothesis of the research is that Imam (as) entered this domain with a civilizational approach based on anthropology, ontology, and religious studies, taking steps to reform society with concern. Although numerous works have emerged regarding the actions and deeds of Imam (as), there is a noticeable gap in the current approach that requires further research and explanation.
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